Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Comparison.Studies.FoxHackl2006

Fox & Hackl 2006: Degree Questions and Negative Islands #

@cite{fox-hackl-2006} @cite{beck-rullmann-1999} @cite{fox-2007} @cite{rullmann-1995}

Empirical data on degree questions ("how tall is Kim?"), including negative islands, modal obviation, and comparative subdeletion.

@cite{fox-hackl-2006}'s Universal Density of Measurement predicts that degree questions fail under negation because the maximality presupposition of "how" is undefined over dense scales with downward-monotone predicates.

Key Empirical Patterns #

  1. Negative islands: "*How tall isn't Kim?" is unacceptable (@cite{fox-hackl-2006}: density of measurement blocks maximality).
  2. Modal obviation: "How tall is Kim required to be?" is acceptable (universal modal rescues maximality).
  3. Existential modal fails: "*How tall is Kim allowed to be?" remains unacceptable (existential modal doesn't help).

A degree question acceptability datum.

Instances For
    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For
      Equations
      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
      Instances For

        @cite{fox-hackl-2006} negative island data.

        Equations
        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
        Instances For

          @cite{fox-hackl-2006} modal obviation data.

          Equations
          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
          Instances For