Fox & Hackl 2006: Degree Questions and Negative Islands #
@cite{fox-hackl-2006} @cite{beck-rullmann-1999} @cite{fox-2007} @cite{rullmann-1995}
Empirical data on degree questions ("how tall is Kim?"), including negative islands, modal obviation, and comparative subdeletion.
@cite{fox-hackl-2006}'s Universal Density of Measurement predicts that degree questions fail under negation because the maximality presupposition of "how" is undefined over dense scales with downward-monotone predicates.
Key Empirical Patterns #
- Negative islands: "*How tall isn't Kim?" is unacceptable (@cite{fox-hackl-2006}: density of measurement blocks maximality).
- Modal obviation: "How tall is Kim required to be?" is acceptable (universal modal rescues maximality).
- Existential modal fails: "*How tall is Kim allowed to be?" remains unacceptable (existential modal doesn't help).
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@cite{fox-hackl-2006} negative island data.
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@cite{fox-hackl-2006} modal obviation data.
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