Clause Chaining Data @cite{sarvasy-aikhenvald-2025} #
Language-specific clause chaining parameters for six typologically diverse languages, drawn from @cite{sarvasy-aikhenvald-2025}. The sample is designed to cover the major parameter combinations:
| Language | Family | SR | Direction | Morphology |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nungon | Trans-New Guinea | SS/DS+temporal | medial-final | maximally reduced |
| Manambu | Ndu (Sepik) | SS/DS | medial-final | restricted |
| Ku Waru | Trans-New Guinea | SS/DS | medial-final | reduced |
| Korean | Koreanic | none | medial-final | partially retained |
| Turkish | Turkic | none | medial-final | partially retained |
| Korowai | Trans-New Guinea | multi-track | medial-final | reduced |
Implicational universals #
@cite{givon-1983} @cite{sarvasy-2015} @cite{aikhenvald-2008} @cite{de-vries-2025} @cite{goksel-kerslake-2005} @cite{merlan-rumsey-1991} @cite{sarvasy-2017} @cite{sohn-1999}
Several implicational universals are stated as theorems:
- SR implies subject tracking: every language with SR tracks at least subjects
- Temporal SR implies SS/DS:
ssDsTemporalis a refinement ofssDs - Medial-final dominance: all six sampled languages are medial-final
- SS unmarked: in every SR language in the sample, SS is the unmarked member
Nungon (Trans-New Guinea, Finisterre-Huon; @cite{sarvasy-2017}, 2025 Ch. 7).
The best-described clause chaining language. Obligatory SR with temporal encoding: four distinct medial forms (SS-SEQ, SS-SIM, DS-SEQ, DS-SIM). Medial verbs are maximally reduced (bare stem + SR suffix). The final verb alone carries tense, agreement, and full mood. Non-canonical stand-alone medial clauses are attested.
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Manambu (Ndu family, East Sepik; @cite{aikhenvald-2008}, 2025 Ch. 6).
Rich verb morphology with restricted SR system (SS/DS without temporal encoding). Medial verbs retain some tense distinctions (yesterday/today/ remote past) and some agreement. Contact-influenced: clause chaining features partially diffused from neighboring Papuan languages. Both recapitulative and summary linkage attested.
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Ku Waru (Trans-New Guinea, Chimbu-Wahgi; @cite{merlan-rumsey-1991}).
Obligatory SS/DS with reduced medial morphology. Agreement on medial verbs is absent (inherited from the final verb in SS chains). Prominent use of both recapitulative and summary linkage in narrative.
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Korean (Koreanic; @cite{sohn-1999}).
Productive clause chaining via conjunctive (converbal) suffixes on the verb stem, but no SR morphology. The conjunctive suffixes directly encode the interclausal semantic relation (sequential, simultaneous, causal, conditional, concessive). Medial verbs retain more morphology than typical Papuan languages: tense and aspect are partially marked.
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Turkish (Turkic; @cite{goksel-kerslake-2005}).
Productive clause chaining via converbal suffixes (-ip, -(y)erek,
-(y)ince, -AlI, etc.), no SR morphology. Rich set of interclausal
semantic relations encoded. Converbal forms retain some TAM distinctions.
Turkish converbs are the textbook examples of UD VerbForm.Conv.
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Korowai (Trans-New Guinea, Greater Awyu; @cite{de-vries-2025} Ch. 5).
Multi-track SR system: tracks both subject and object continuity across clause boundaries. Medial verb morphology includes three verb types (non-finite, semi-finite, fully finite). SR marking tracks the topical participant rather than strictly the syntactic subject.
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All language data entries.
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All sampled languages are medial-final.
This reflects the strong cross-linguistic dominance of medial-final chains. Initial-medial chains are rare and geographically restricted.
Every language with SR tracks at least subject continuity.
No language in the sample (or cross-linguistically) has an SR system that fails to track subjects. Multi-track systems add object tracking; topic-based systems generalize from subject to topical participant. But the subject tracking function is always present.
In every SR language in the sample, SS is the unmarked member.
Cross-linguistically, SS tends to be shorter / less marked than DS. This reflects the discourse-pragmatic default: subject continuity is expected in connected discourse.
Languages without SR mark more interclausal semantic relations.
Korean and Turkish each mark 7+ relation types via dedicated converbal suffixes. SR languages encode fewer relation types, because the SR morpheme itself absorbs the sequential/simultaneous distinction. The semantic work is distributed differently.