Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Classifiers.Typology

Classifier Typology #

@cite{aikhenvald-2000} @cite{chierchia-1998} @cite{dixon-1982} @cite{greenberg-1972}

Cross-linguistic typology of noun categorization systems, following @cite{aikhenvald-2000} "Classifiers: A Typology of Noun Categorization Devices."

NounCategorizationSystem #

@cite{aikhenvald-2000}'s 7-property (A–G) per-language system description. The vocabulary types it depends on (ClassifierType, SemanticParameter, ClassifierEntry, etc.) live in Core.Lexical.NounCategorization as settled descriptive infrastructure; this file provides the framework for assembling them into per-language system descriptions.

Part I — Per-Language Data #

Four languages from three families:

System descriptions are derived from Fragment data (single source of truth).

Part II — Universals #

@cite{aikhenvald-2000}'s empirical generalizations (Chapters 11, 15): agreement diagnostics, semantic parameter universals, inventory size constraints, @cite{greenberg-1972} classifier–number complementarity.

Thread map #

A noun categorization system in a language.

Captures @cite{aikhenvald-2000}'s 7 definitional properties (A–G from §1.5): (A) morphosyntactic locus → scopes (B) scope/domain → classifierType + scopes (C) assignment principles → assignment (D) surface realization → realizations (E) agreement → hasAgreement (F) markedness → hasUnmarkedDefault (G) grammaticalization → isObligatory

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      @cite{dixon-1982}'s noun-class vs. classifier divide (Table 1.2). Noun classes: small, closed, grammaticalized, agreement. Classifiers: large, open, lexical, no agreement.

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        French noun categorization: 2-class gender system (masc/fem). Agreement on determiners, adjectives, and past participles. Aikhenvald type: noun class.

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          Italian noun categorization: 2-class gender system (masc/fem). Like French, [-arg, +pred]. Agreement on determiners (il/la, un/una), adjectives (‑o/‑a), and past participles (‑o/‑a). Richer article allomorphy than French (il/lo/la, i/gli/le).

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            Mandarin noun categorization: numeral classifier system. Large inventory, semantically motivated, no agreement. Aikhenvald type: numeral classifier.

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              Japanese noun categorization: numeral classifier system (josūshi). Similar to Mandarin but with native Japanese default counter (つ). Aikhenvald type: numeral classifier.

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                Mandarin inventory is derived from the classifier lexicon.

                Japanese inventory is derived from the classifier lexicon.

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                  All four systems are obligatory (not optional).

                  Bare NPs are licensed in [+arg] languages, not in [-arg] languages. This connects Fragment-level bare NP facts to the typological parameter.

                  U1 (Aikhenvald Table 15.1): Noun class / gender systems require agreement. This is definitional — agreement is what makes a noun class system a "class" rather than a "classifier" (@cite{dixon-1982}, Table 1.2).

                  U2 (Aikhenvald Table 15.1): Numeral classifier systems lack agreement. Classifiers are independent morphemes, not agreement markers. Witnessed by Mandarin and Japanese in our typology.

                  U3 (Aikhenvald §11.1.1): Classifier selection is always at least partly semantic. There are no purely phonological or purely morphological classifier systems (unlike noun class, which can be morphological).

                  U4 (Aikhenvald Table 15.2): Noun class assignment may be mixed (semantic core + morphological overlay), while classifier systems are purely semantic. Witnessed by French (mixed) vs Mandarin (semantic).

                  U5 (Aikhenvald §11.1.1): Animacy (animate vs. inanimate or human vs. non-human) is a semantic parameter found in EVERY type of noun categorization device. This is the universal semantic "core."

                  U6 (Aikhenvald §11.1.1): Physical properties (shape, size) are the preferred semantic parameters for numeral classifiers, while animacy is the core for noun classes.

                  U7 (Aikhenvald §11.2.3): In numeral classifier systems, animacy outranks shape, which outranks function. Formalized as an implicational universal: if a system uses shape, it also uses animacy; if function, also shape. TODO: prove from attested systems once typology is extended.

                  U8 (Aikhenvald Table 15.1): Noun class systems have small inventories (2–20 classes), while classifier systems have large inventories (typically 20–200+).

                  U9 (Aikhenvald §1.5): Classifier systems have larger inventories than noun class systems. Open (extendable) vs. closed.

                  Table 10.17 interaction matrix (simplified): Which grammatical categories interact with which classifier types.

                  Key patterns:

                  • Noun classes interact with definiteness, number, case, tense/aspect
                  • Numeral classifiers interact with number, definiteness
                  • Verbal classifiers interact with tense/aspect
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                      Whether a classifier type typically interacts with a grammatical category (Aikhenvald Table 10.17).

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                        Noun classes interact with more grammatical categories than numeral classifiers (Table 10.17). This reflects their deeper grammaticalization.

                        U12: Every numeral classifier system has a semantically bleached default classifier that can substitute for any specific classifier (Aikhenvald §4.2). The default is the "elsewhere" case.

                        Witnessed by: Mandarin 个 gè, Japanese つ tsu.

                        Whether a language uses numeral classifiers (WALS Ch 55).

                        Numeral classifiers are morphemes that co-occur with a numeral when it modifies a noun (e.g., Mandarin san ge ren 'three CL person'). The key distinction is between obligatory classifiers (required whenever a numeral modifies a noun) and optional classifiers (available but not required).

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                            WALS Chapter 55 distribution: language counts per classifier status. Total: 400 languages.

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                                Actual WALS Ch 55 counts.

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                                  Languages without numeral classifiers are the global majority (WALS Ch 55). 260 out of 400 sampled languages lack classifiers entirely.

                                  Languages without classifiers constitute over half the sample.

                                  Obligatory classifiers are more common than optional ones globally. This is somewhat counterintuitive — it suggests that once a language develops classifiers, they tend to become grammaticalized as obligatory.