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Linglib.Phenomena.Allomorphy.SlavicVerbalizer.Studies.Stojkovic2026

Slavic Verbalizer — OT Analysis @cite{stojkovic-2026} #

OT evaluation connecting constraint rankings to the empirical surface forms of the Slavic verbalizer (VBLZ). Stojković (2026) argues the VBLZ has a single abstract underlying representation (a defective diphthong) across all Slavic; surface alternation is derived by OT constraint ranking.

Candidates #

The VBLZ in the pre-vocalic context (before the thematic /-a-/) can surface as one of five candidates, differing in how the unspecified slot of the diphthong is resolved:

CandidateVowelMechanism
[ov][o] = [+back, −high]epenthesise [+back] and [−high]
[ev][e] = [−back, −high]share [−back] from palatal, epenthesise [−high]
[uv][u] = [+back, +high]epenthesise [+back] and [+high]
[iv][i] = [−back, +high]share [−back] from palatal, epenthesise [+high]
[u.a]hiatusmonophthongise, delete unspecified slot

Constraints #

Six constraints, of which two (NOHIATUS, SPECIFY) are undominated and four (*SHARE[−back], DEP[+back], DEP[−high], DEP[+high]) are variable:

Note: DEP[+high] is implicit in Stojković's analysis. Without it, [uv] harmonically bounds [ov] (strictly fewer violations at every constraint), making it impossible for any ranking to select [ov]. The paper derives the same effect from the markedness of [+high] vs [−high]: [−high] is the cross-linguistically unmarked epenthetic height (p. 14), while [+high] epenthesis incurs an implicit faithfulness cost. Making this explicit as DEP[+high] yields the correct factorial typology.

Factorial Typology #

The 4! = 24 permutations of the four variable constraints produce exactly 4 distinct optima: {[ov]}, {[ev]}, {[uv]}, {[iv]}. Three correspond to attested groups; {[iv]} is unattested.

Candidate surface realisations of the VBLZ before the thematic /-a-/. Each represents a different resolution of the defective diphthong.

  • ov : VBLZCandidate

    [ov]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [o] via epenthetic [+back, −high].

  • ev : VBLZCandidate

    [ev]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [e] via shared [−back], epenthetic [−high].

  • uv : VBLZCandidate

    [uv]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [u] via epenthetic [+back, +high].

  • iv : VBLZCandidate

    [iv]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [i] via shared [−back], epenthetic [+high].

  • uHiatus : VBLZCandidate

    [u.a]: monophthongisation, unspecified slot deleted, hiatus with /-a-/.

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      All candidates.

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        The four fission candidates (excluding hiatus), for factorial typology.

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          NOHIATUS: assign * for adjacent vowels.

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            SPECIFY(•→[F]): assign * for unspecified base node. Only violated by the fully faithful candidate (not in our candidate set), so this constraint is vacuously satisfied. Included for completeness.

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              *SHARE[−back]: don't copy [−back] from an adjacent palatal. Violated by [ev] (shares [−back] for [e]) and [iv] (shares [−back] for [i]).

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                DEP[+back]: don't epenthesise [+back] on the unspecified slot. Violated by [ov] and [uv] (both epenthesise [+back] to get a back vowel).

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                  DEP[−high]: don't epenthesise [−high] on the unspecified slot. Violated by [ov] and [ev] (both epenthesise [−high] to get a mid vowel).

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                    DEP[+high]: don't epenthesise [+high] on the unspecified slot. Violated by [uv] and [iv] (both epenthesise [+high] to get a high vowel).

                    Implicit in Stojković's analysis. Without this constraint, [uv] harmonically bounds [ov], making it impossible for any ranking to select [ov] as optimal. Stojković derives the equivalent effect from the markedness of [+high] vs [−high] (p. 14): "The feature [−high] is cross-linguistically more likely to be unmarked compared to [+high]."

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                      The four variable constraints (excluding the undominated NOHIATUS and vacuous SPECIFY). These are permuted in the factorial typology.

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                        All six constraints in one list.

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                          [ov] group ranking (Stojković 2026, (17)): NOHIATUS, SPECIFY ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[+high] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[−high]

                          *SHARE[−back] high: sharing [−back] from palatals is banned. DEP[+high] above DEP[−high]: [+high] epenthesis is costlier than [−high], making [−high] the default → mid vowel [o] surfaces.

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                            [ov]/[ev] group ranking (Stojković 2026, (21)): NOHIATUS, SPECIFY ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[+high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[−high]

                            DEP[+back] high: epenthesising [+back] is banned. After palatals, sharing [−back] is the only option → [ev]. After non-palatals, [−high] epenthesis yields [ov] (in a separate non-palatal evaluation).

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                              [uv] group ranking (Stojković 2026, (29)): NOHIATUS, SPECIFY ≫ DEP[−high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[+high]

                              DEP[−high] high: epenthesising [−high] is banned → [+high] surfaces. *SHARE[−back] above DEP[+back]: epenthesising [+back] is cheaper than sharing [−back] → back vowel [u] surfaces.

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                                The [ov]/[ev] ranking selects [ev] as optimal in the palatal context. (In the non-palatal context, [ev] and [iv] are unavailable because there is no palatal to share [−back]; [ov] wins trivially.)

                                The factorial typology over the four variable constraints and four fission candidates produces exactly 4 distinct optimal sets.

                                Three correspond to attested Slavic groups:

                                • {[ov]}: *SHARE, DEP[+high] ranked high
                                • {[ev]}: DEP[+back], DEP[+high] ranked high
                                • {[uv]}: DEP[−high], *SHARE ranked high

                                The fourth ({[iv]}) is unattested in Slavic.

                                The [iv] pattern (shared [−back] + [+high], giving a front high vowel) is the only unattested pattern among the four predicted by the factorial typology (Stojković 2026, (31f)).

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                                  The [ov]/[ev] group's OT-predicted forms match the empirical data: [ev] in the palatal context (proved by ev_optimal), [ov] in the non-palatal context (where [ev] is unavailable).

                                  The OT-optimal candidate for the [ov] group produces the attested form.

                                  The OT-optimal candidate for the [uv] group produces the attested form.

                                  The OT-optimal candidate for the [ov]/[ev] palatal context produces the attested palatal-conditioned form.