Corbett (2000) — Number #
@cite{corbett-2000}
Formalizes the core typological framework from:
Corbett, G. G. (2000). Number. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge University Press.
Core Contributions #
Number value inventory (Ch 2): includes general number — a form outside the number system, non-committal as to cardinality (Bayso lúban 'lion(s)', Japanese inu 'dog(s)', Arabic collectives). Values are classified as determinate (fixed cardinality: singular=1, dual=2, trial=3) vs indeterminate (contextually variable: paucal, greater plural).
Number system typology (§2.3): implicational universals constrain which systems are possible — trial → dual → plural → singular.
Animacy Hierarchy constraints (Ch 3, @cite{smith-stark-1974}): the likelihood of number being distinguished decreases monotonically from speaker toward inanimate. Connects to
AnimacyRankinCore.Prominence.The Agreement Hierarchy (Ch 6, §6.2): for controllers permitting alternative agreement, semantic agreement increases monotonically along attributive < predicate < relative pronoun < personal pronoun.
Controller–target mismatch (§6.1): controller and target may have different number systems (Bayso: 4 controller values, 3 target forms).
Individuation Hierarchy (Ch 4): integrates the animacy hierarchy with number value inventories. Higher animacy positions can sustain richer number systems. Constraint II: if trial exists at position X, dual exists at X and all higher positions.
Resolution rules (Ch 6, §6.3): when conjoined controllers disagree in number, resolution is either semantic (referent sum: sg + sg → pl) or syntactic (nearest conjunct agreement).
Semantics of number (Ch 7): inclusive vs exclusive plural interpretation. Link's
*Pgives the inclusive reading (≥ 1); exclusive (≥ 2) is derived by scalar implicature. General number semantics connects to @cite{chierchia-1998}'s Nominal Mapping Parameter.
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A number system specifies the values available in a language, which are obligatory vs facultative, and whether general number exists.
- name : String
- values : List NumberValue
Values available within the number system
- hasGeneral : Bool
Whether the language has general number (a form outside the system)
- facultative : List NumberValue
Values whose use is optional (facultative)
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.instBEqNumberSystem.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Number of values in the system.
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Whether a value is obligatory (present and not facultative).
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- ns.isObligatory v = (ns.values.contains v && !ns.facultative.contains v)
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English: obligatory sg–pl, no general number.
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.englishNS = { name := "English", values := [Core.Number.Category.singular, Core.Number.Category.plural] }
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Russian: obligatory sg–pl, no general number.
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.russianNS = { name := "Russian", values := [Core.Number.Category.singular, Core.Number.Category.plural] }
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Upper Sorbian: sg–dual–pl, all obligatory.
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.upperSorbianNS = { name := "Upper Sorbian", values := [Core.Number.Category.singular, Core.Number.Category.dual, Core.Number.Category.plural] }
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Bayso (Cushitic): sg–paucal–pl within the system; general form lúban 'lion(s)' exists outside it. Four controller values total.
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Slovene: sg–dual–pl, but the dual is facultative (plural substitutes).
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Larike (Central Moluccan): sg–dual–trial–pl, dual and trial both facultative (plural can substitute for either).
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Lihir (Oceanic): sg–dual–trial–paucal–pl, five values — the richest well-documented system.
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Japanese: sg–pl within the system, but general number exists (bare inu 'dog(s)' is non-committal).
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.japaneseNS = { name := "Japanese", values := [Core.Number.Category.singular, Core.Number.Category.plural], hasGeneral := true }
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Pirahã (Mura): no number category at all.
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Trial implies dual: no language has trial without dual.
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Dual implies plural.
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Plural implies singular (unless the system is empty = no number).
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Number marking status at a position on the Animacy Hierarchy.
- obligatory : MarkingStatus
- optional : MarkingStatus
- absent : MarkingStatus
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Numeric ordering: higher = more marking.
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An animacy–number profile records marking status at each hierarchy position for a particular language.
- name : String
- status : Core.Prominence.AnimacyRank → MarkingStatus
Marking status at each position on the hierarchy.
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Constraint I (Corbett Ch 3): the sg–pl distinction must affect a top segment of the hierarchy. If any position has obligatory marking, then the topmost position (speaker) does too.
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Constraint III (Corbett Ch 3): as we move rightward along the hierarchy, the likelihood of number being distinguished decreases monotonically — no intervening increase.
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English: obligatory everywhere (regular split at the bottom).
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Kannada (Dravidian): obligatory for humans, optional for non-human animates, absent for inanimates.
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Slave (Athabaskan): obligatory for humans and kin, absent below.
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Constraints I and III hold for all profiled languages.
Whether agreement is determined by morphological form (syntactic) or by referential meaning (semantic).
- syntactic : AgreementType
- semantic : AgreementType
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An agreement profile for a controller type records whether semantic agreement is available at each target position.
- controller : String
Controller description
- semanticPossible : Core.AgreementTarget → Bool
Whether semantic (meaning-driven) agreement is possible at each target
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The Agreement Hierarchy monotonicity constraint: once semantic agreement
becomes possible at a target, it remains possible at all targets further
right (= lower Core.AgreementTarget.rank) on the hierarchy.
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British English committee: syntactic only in attributive position; semantic agreement possible in predicate, relative pronoun, and personal pronoun.
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American English committee: semantic agreement rare in predicate, but available in relative and personal pronoun.
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Serbo-Croatian deca 'children': morphologically feminine singular, semantically plural. Semantic agreement available everywhere.
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.serboCroatDeca = { controller := "deca 'children' (Serbo-Croatian)", semanticPossible := fun (x : Core.AgreementTarget) => true }
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The Agreement Hierarchy is respected by all profiled controllers.
Once semantic agreement reaches the personal pronoun (rightmost), it is necessarily available there for all our controllers.
No controller has semantic agreement only at the attributive position (the leftmost) without also having it further right — this would violate the monotonicity constraint.
Controller and target may operate with different number systems. The target system is typically a subset of the controller system.
- name : String
- controllerValues : List NumberValue
- targetValues : List NumberValue
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.instBEqControllerTargetSystem.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Whether controller and target systems differ in size.
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- ct.hasMismatch = (ct.controllerValues.length != ct.targetValues.length)
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Bayso: 4 controller values (general, singular, paucal, plural), but only 3 target agreement forms. General and singular trigger the same agreement on the verb.
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Modern Hebrew: 3 controller values (sg, dual, pl), but only 2 target agreement values — dual and plural trigger the same verb agreement.
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English: 2 controller values, 2 target values (matched).
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An individuation profile records which number values are available at each position on the animacy hierarchy. Languages may have split number systems where pronouns sustain a richer inventory than nouns.
- name : String
- valuesAt : Core.Prominence.AnimacyRank → List NumberValue
Number values available at each hierarchy position
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Constraint II (Corbett Ch 4): if trial exists at position X, then dual exists at X and at all positions higher on the animacy hierarchy.
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Monotonicity: number value inventories never grow as we move rightward (down) the hierarchy. If a value exists at position X, it exists at all higher positions.
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Upper Sorbian: sg–dual–pl in pronouns and some nouns, but dual absent in lower animacy positions where only sg–pl remains.
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Lihir (Oceanic): full sg–du–tri–pauc–pl in pronouns, reduced inventory in lower positions.
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English: uniform sg–pl at all positions (no split).
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.englishIndiv = { name := "English", valuesAt := fun (x : Core.Prominence.AnimacyRank) => [Core.Number.Category.singular, Core.Number.Category.plural] }
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Upper Sorbian pronouns have dual but lower animacy positions do not — a genuine split number system.
When conjoined NPs disagree in number, the language must resolve which number value appears on the agreement target.
- semantic : ResolutionStrategy
Semantic resolution: sum the referents. sg + sg → pl because the conjunction denotes a plurality.
- closestConjunct : ResolutionStrategy
Syntactic resolution: the nearest (closest) conjunct to the target determines agreement, regardless of the other conjunct's number.
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The result of resolving two number values under semantic resolution.
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- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.NumberValue.semanticResolve Core.Number.Category.singular Core.Number.Category.singular = Core.Number.Category.plural
- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.NumberValue.semanticResolve Core.Number.Category.singular Core.Number.Category.dual = Core.Number.Category.trial
- Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Corbett2000.NumberValue.semanticResolve Core.Number.Category.dual Core.Number.Category.singular = Core.Number.Category.trial
- a.semanticResolve b = Core.Number.Category.plural
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Semantic resolution: sg + sg → pl.
Semantic resolution: sg + du → tri (in languages with trial).
Bridge: AnimacyRank monotonicity constraint is consistent with the
animacy hierarchy defined in Core.Prominence. The ranking used here
agrees with the ranking there: speaker (8) > ... > nondiscrete (0).
Bridge: English NumberSystem matches the PluralityProfile in
Plurals.Typology — both record a 2-value obligatory system.
Bridge: Japanese general number in Corbett's analysis corresponds to
the noNominalPlural/noPlural profile in Plurals.Typology. WALS and
Corbett describe the same facts differently: WALS says "no nominal plural,"
Corbett says "general number exists (form outside the system)."
Bridge: Bayso's general number explains its "no nominal plural" appearance — it's not that number is absent, but that the general form stands outside the number system.
Map a Corbett NumberSystem to Cysouw's NumberStage hierarchy by counting the number of non-general values in the system.
- 0–1 values → N1 (undifferentiated)
- 2 values → N2 (basic sg/pl opposition)
- 3 values (has dual or paucal) → N3
- 4+ values → N4
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Corbett's implicational hierarchy (trial → dual → plural → singular) is
consistent with Cysouw's N-stages: a system at stage Nₖ has exactly k
number oppositions, matching size = k for k ≤ 4.
Corbett's general number languages are those where bare nouns can denote kinds without a determiner — exactly Chierchia's [+arg] languages.
If a language has general number (a form outside the number system, non-
committal to cardinality), bare NPs can serve as arguments. This corresponds
to canDenoteKind mapping (hasD := false) = true, which holds for
argOnly and argAndPred but not predOnly.
The inclusive/exclusive ambiguity of plurals (Corbett Ch 7).
Link's *P (star/plural closure) gives the inclusive interpretation:
*P(x) holds for atoms AND their sums, so "dogs" denotes ≥ 1 dogs.
The exclusive interpretation (≥ 2 dogs) is not a separate semantic
primitive — it arises by scalar implicature from the singular alternative.
This is modeled here as a parameter on plural interpretation. The
compositional semantics (Link1983.star) always delivers inclusive;
pragmatics narrows to exclusive.
- inclusive : PluralInterpretation
≥ 1: Link's
*P, closed under join. The singular is included. - exclusive : PluralInterpretation
≥ 2: derived by scalar implicature. The singular is excluded.
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Inclusive plural includes singletons; exclusive does not.
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The compositional (pre-pragmatic) interpretation is always inclusive.