Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Agreement.Studies.Aissen2003

Differential Indexing ↔ DOM, PersonGeometry, Kaqchikel @cite{aissen-2003} @cite{just-2024} @cite{preminger-2014}

Connects @cite{just-2024} differential indexing to three existing formalizations:

  1. @cite{aissen-2003} DOM profiles (Phenomena/Case/Typology): DOM is the P-flagging specialization of the general differential marking framework. This bridge proves that DOM profiles and P-indexing profiles share the same monotonicity constraint over the same scales.

  2. @cite{preminger-2014} PersonGeometry (Theories/Syntax/Minimalism/Core/): Just's binary person split (SAP vs 3rd) is precisely Preminger's [±participant] feature. This bridge makes the connection explicit.

  3. Kaqchikel Agreement (Fragments/Kaqchikel/): Kaqchikel indexes both A and P arguments (Set A for agent, Set B for patient). This is a non-differential system — all person-number combinations are indexed — which serves as the baseline against which differential systems are defined.

DOMProfile is an abbreviation for DifferentialMarkingProfile (specialized to role P + channel flagging), and IndexingFragment extends DifferentialMarkingProfile (with channel = .indexing). Both DOM profiles and indexing fragments inherit all DMP infrastructure (monotonicity, dimensionality, cutoff constructors, mirror image) directly — no conversion or bridge theorems needed.

Just's binary person split (SAP vs 3rd) is exactly Preminger's [±participant] feature decomposition.

Kaqchikel indexes both A and P arguments uniformly across all person-number combinations. This is a NON-differential system: there is no prominence-based asymmetry in which arguments get indexed.

@cite{just-2024} defines differential indexing against this kind of
baseline: a differential system is one where indexing depends on
prominence properties. 

Kaqchikel indexes all three argument positions (agent, patient, intranS). This makes it non-differential: no prominence condition gates indexing.

Person is the dominant conditioning factor for both P indexing and A indexing. This connects to @cite{preminger-2014}'s observation that person features are structurally more prominent in the φ-geometry ([participant] outranks [plural]).

The Basque agreement fragment (Fragments.Basque.Agreement) encodes the same person-conditioned P indexing that @cite{just-2024} reports. We prove that the Fragment's pIsIndexed matches the survey data.

The Georgian agreement fragment (Fragments.Georgian.Agreement) derives P indexing from the presence of object agreement prefixes (m-, g-, gv-). The indexed/not-indexed split aligns with SAP vs 3rd — same as the Just survey data.

Georgian Fragment's P indexing is grounded in object prefix morphology: indexed iff has overt prefix. Not stipulated — follows from the data.

The Hungarian predicate fragment (Fragments.Hungarian.Predicates) models the definite/indefinite conjugation split. This IS Just's differential P indexing by definiteness: the verb's agreement paradigm changes depending on whether the object is definite.

The fragment's `formPastDef ≠ formPastIndef` encodes the same claim
as the Just survey entry `hungarian.definitenessConditioned`. 

Hungarian is definiteness-conditioned (derived from the marking predicate), confirming the Fragment's conjugation split.

Hungarian is NOT person-conditioned — all persons can trigger both conjugation types.