Serbian Temporal Connectives Fragment #
@cite{rett-2020}
Cross-linguistic data on Serbian pre ('before') and posle ('after') showing overt viewpoint aspect morphology (PFV/IMPF) in embedded temporal clauses.
Serbian provides direct morphological evidence for @cite{rett-2020}'s coercion account: the PFV/IMPF distinction on the embedded verb overtly marks what English leaves covert (COMPLET/INCHOAT).
- PFV (perfective) in pre-clauses: yields ≺ final reading (bounded/telic, like English COMPLET coercion)
- IMPF (imperfective) in pre-clauses: yields ≺ initial reading (unbounded/atelic, the default)
This parallels the Tagalog PFV.NEUT/AIA distinction (see
Fragments.Tagalog.TemporalConnectives) but uses the standard
PFV/IMPF opposition rather than Tagalog's finer-grained system.
A Serbian temporal clause's reading is determined by the overt viewpoint aspect on the embedded verb. Reuses Tagalog's structure type since the pattern is the same: overt aspect → temporal reading.
- connective : String
Connective form (Serbian)
- aspectLabel : String
Description of the aspect form
Viewpoint aspect category
- culminating : Bool
Whether the aspect forces a bounded (telic/culminating) reading
- reading : English.TemporalExpressions.Reading
Resulting reading of the temporal clause
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- Fragments.Serbian.TemporalConnectives.instBEqAspectReadingEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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pre + IMPF → before-start (≺ initial). Imperfective in pre-clauses yields the default initial-point reading: the main event precedes the onset of the unbounded embedded event. This is the unmarked/default reading, parallel to English before with an atelic complement and Tagalog bago + PFV.NEUT.
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pre + PFV → before-finish (≺ final). Perfective in pre-clauses forces the bounded/coerced final-point reading: the main event precedes the culmination of the embedded event. This is the overt realization of English COMPLET, parallel to Tagalog bago + AIA.
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posle + PFV → after-finish (≻ final). Perfective in posle-clauses yields the default final-point reading: the main event follows the culmination of the embedded event. This is the unmarked reading for after.
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posle + IMPF → after-start (≻ initial). Imperfective in posle-clauses forces the coerced initial-point reading: the main event follows the onset of the unbounded embedded event. This is the overt realization of English INCHOAT.
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Serbian pre ('before'): licenses NPIs, non-veridical. Mirrors English before on all semantic properties.
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Serbian posle ('after'): does not license NPIs, veridical. Mirrors English after on all semantic properties.
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Same connective (pre), but different aspect → different temporal reading.
Same connective (posle), but different aspect → different temporal reading.
The aspect–reading mapping is symmetric across connectives: PFV gives bounded (culminating) readings for both pre and posle; IMPF gives unbounded (non-culminating) readings for both.
The veridicality asymmetry holds cross-linguistically: pre is non-veridical, posle is veridical.
Serbian pre and English before agree on all semantic properties.
Serbian posle and English after agree on all semantic properties.