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Linglib.Fragments.Mixtec.SMPM.Basic

San Martín Peras Mixtec (SMPM) Fragment #

@cite{ostrove-2026}

Language data for San Martín Peras Mixtec (ISO: jmx), an Oto-Manguean language spoken by about 12,000 people in Oaxaca, Mexico. SMPM is predicate-initial (VSO) and non-pro-drop: all clauses require overt subjects and all transitive clauses require overt objects.

Coverage #

SMPM's three morpho-aspectual categories.

All clauses must be marked with one of these. SMPM lacks morphologically nonfinite predicates — the completive/continuous/ irrealis distinction is the only TAM system. Aspect is primarily tonal: completive by low tone or prefix nì-, continuous by high tone, irrealis by mid/unmarked tone or stem changes.

  • comp : Aspect

    Completive (COMP): low tone on first vowel, or prefix nì-

  • cont : Aspect

    Continuous (CONT): high tone on first vowel

  • irr : Aspect

    Irrealis (IRR): mid/unmarked tone or stem changes

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            Grammatical genders for nonlocal (3rd person) pronouns (table 5).

            SMPM distinguishes six genders in the singular and two in the plural. There is no number distinction for most nonlocal pronouns: e.g., =rà 'he, they (all-male group)'.

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                A pronoun form: clitic and (optional) nonclitic variant.

                SMPM distinguishes clitic and nonclitic pronouns (@cite{cardinaletti-starke-1999}). Clitics cannot be coordinated, cannot occur on their own, and may have impersonal readings. Nonclitic forms can bear focus (e.g., with íntàà 'only').

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                        Local person clitic pronouns (tables 4, 61).

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                                  Nonlocal (3rd person) singular clitic forms (table 5).

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                                    Nonlocal plural clitic forms (table 5).

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                                      Controlled subjects in untensed subjunctives must be CLITIC pronouns. Nonclitic forms are ungrammatical in this position (67).

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                                        SMPM's three embedded clause types, distinguished by three binary features (table 26).

                                        SMPM lacks morphologically nonfinite predicates: all clauses are marked with one of the three aspects. The "tensed" vs "untensed" subjunctive distinction is diagnosed by independent temporal adverbs and noncoreferential subject availability, not by overt tense morphology.

                                        • finiteEmbedded : ClauseType

                                          Finite embedded clause: unrestricted TAM, free subject reference, no restructuring. Selected by: ka'án 'think', nakanini 'believe', kà'àn 'say', káchi 'said', kusijǐ ini 'be happy', etc.

                                        • tensedSubjunctive : ClauseType

                                          Tensed subjunctive: restricted TAM (irrealis only), free subject reference, no restructuring. Allows for disjoint reference. Selected by: kòni 'want', sǐso ini 'hate', ntatu 'hope', etc.

                                        • untensedSubjunctive : ClauseType

                                          Untensed subjunctive: restricted TAM (irrealis only), obligatory coreference, mandatory restructuring. Subject must be overt clitic pronoun. Selected by: ntùkú 'try', nàkú'ún 'remember', kìxà 'start', sakwā'a 'learn', etc.

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                                            Properties distinguishing the three clause types (table 26).

                                            • unrestrictedTAM : Bool

                                              Unrestricted TAM morphology (all three aspects available)

                                            • noncoreferentialSubject : Bool

                                              Noncoreferential embedded subject allowed

                                            • restructuring : Bool

                                              Shows restructuring effects (quantifier fronting targets matrix)

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                                                    A complement-taking predicate in SMPM.

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                                                                                                                          SMPM is non-pro-drop: all clauses require overt subjects (3).

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                                                                                                                            SMPM is predicate-initial: VSO for verbal, copula-initial for nominal/adjectival predicates (2a–c).

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                                                                                                                              SMPM reflexive anaphors are formed with the definite article plus a clitic pronoun (71). Only locally bound — without , only a noncoreferential interpretation is available (72).

                                                                                                                              Examples:

                                                                                                                              • Xini Juân mí =rà ini yùtátá. 'Juan saw himself in the mirror.'
                                                                                                                              • Saá kâ'àn María xa'ǎ mí =ñá. 'María always talks about herself.'
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                                                                                                                                Quantified nominals can locally bind reflexive anaphors (73).

                                                                                                                                • Tá'iin'iin =nà bálí xìni mí =nà ini yùtátá. 'Every child saw themselves in the mirror.'
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                                                                                                                                  Exempt anaphors (reflexive forms used outside canonical binding domain) CANNOT have quantified antecedents (75, 78).

                                                                                                                                  • *Tá'iin'iin tsǐnà tsìi ndò'ò mí =rí. 'Each dog bit its own tail.'
                                                                                                                                  • *Ni'iin =ná bálí ní- xìni táta mí =ná. 'No girl saw her own father.'
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                                                                                                                                    Exempt anaphors occur as possessors (74) but are restricted: they cannot have quantified antecedents.

                                                                                                                                    • Tsìi tsǐnà ndò'ò {=rí, mí =rí}. 'The dog bit {its, its own} tail.'
                                                                                                                                    • Xìni María táta {=ñá, mí =ñá}. 'María saw {her, her own} father.'
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                                                                                                                                      is a morpheme used in tensed subjunctives to force disjoint reference when the embedded subject does not match the matrix subject in φ-features (18b–d). It is optional with nonpronominal subjects (18d). does NOT occur with untensed subjunctives (19).

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                                                                                                                                        Clitic left-dislocation in SMPM is NOT island-sensitive (80–82): it is available out of adjunct islands and wh-islands. This argues against a movement analysis of left-dislocation.

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