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Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Mam.Agreement

Mam Agreement Fragment @cite{scott-2023} #

@cite{deal-2024} @cite{woolford-1997} @cite{blake-1994}

Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán (SJA) Mam, a Mayan language with morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.

The System #

Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:

In the default construction, transitive objects are not cross-referenced by either set — they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns. However, some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3, ex. 156).

Case Licensing #

Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:

This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns.

Argument Positions #

PositionCaseAgreementPronoun
A (transitive agent)ERG (from Voice)Set Areduced/null
S (intransitive subj)ABS (from Infl)Set Breduced/null
P (transitive patient)ACC (from Voice)default Set Bovert

Set A (ERG) markers: prefixes/proclitics on the verb that cross-reference the transitive agent (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 2.8).

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    Set B (ABS) markers: preverbal markers on Infl that cross-reference the absolutive argument (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the default — it appears both for real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and for default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP. 1SG = chin, 2SG = tz'=, 3SG = tz'=, 1PL = qo, 2PL = chi, 3PL = chi.

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      The default (Elsewhere) Set B marker. Surfaces in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked, and also for 2/3SG intransitive S.

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        Look up a marker by person and number (true = singular).

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          Argument positions in a Mam clause (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3).

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              The case each argument position receives. A gets ERG (inherent, from Voice), P gets ACC (structural, from Voice), S gets ABS (structural, from Infl). Three distinct underlying cases.

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                Is this argument position φ-Agreed-with by some probe?

                Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces.

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                  Can a pronoun in this argument position undergo reduction?

                  Scott's analysis (ch. 4, §4.4.3): first person pronouns in agreed-with positions are reduced via an impoverishment rule that deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (where F marks that the feature has been agreed with). This bleeds insertion of the pronominal base morphemes qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,-singular]), leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i.

                  Non-first person pronouns are NOT reduced — their subj/poss forms are identical to their independent forms (Table 4.25, p. 200). Whether actual reduction occurs depends on person (see derivePronounForm), but only agreed-with positions are eligible.

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                    Agent gets ERG (inherent, from Voice).

                    Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).

                    Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).

                    Reduction eligibility correlates with φ-agreement: an argument position is eligible for pronoun reduction iff it triggers agreement on the verb. (Actual reduction further requires [+author]; see derivePronounForm.)

                    Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.

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                      The inventory covers all argument positions.

                      Mam's {ERG, ACC, ABS} inventory is valid per Blake's case hierarchy (all are core cases at rank 6, trivially no gaps).

                      Person features relevant for pronoun reduction.

                      Scott decomposes person into binary features following @cite{harbour-2016} (Table 4.3-4.4):

                      • [±author]: distinguishes 1st from non-1st
                      • [±participant]: distinguishes local (1st/2nd) from 3rd

                      Agreement (Set A and Set B) copies only [±author] and ±singular (Tables 4.7-4.8). It does NOT copy [±participant].

                      The =i enclitic is the disagreement enclitic — it realizes disagreeing values of [±author] and [±participant] (ex. 59, adapting @cite{noyer-1992} / @cite{harbour-2016}):

                      • 1SG/1PL.EXCL: [+author, -participant] → disagree → =i
                      • 2SG/2PL: [-author, +participant] → disagree → =i
                      • 1PL.INCL: [+author, +participant] → agree → no =i
                      • 3SG/3PL: [-author, -participant] → agree → no =i
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                          A feature is redundantly expressed by agreement iff agreement copies it.

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                            A morpheme is deleted when ALL its features are redundantly expressed by agreement.

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                              The pronominal base is deleted: [person, number] are both copied by agreement, making the base fully redundant.

                              The =i enclitic survives: [participant] is NOT copied by agreement.

                              Pronoun realization after impoverishment (@cite{scott-2023}, §4.4.3).

                              • reduced: 1st person agreed-with — impoverishment deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F, bleeding insertion of pronominal base morphemes qin/qo. Only =i remains.
                              • full: unreduced — the full independent pronoun form. This covers 2nd/3rd person subj/poss (which ARE identical to their independent forms, Table 4.25), as well as all object pronouns (which are not agreed-with and thus not eligible for reduction).
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                                  Is this person 1st (= [+author])? Only [+author] persons are eligible for the impoverishment rule (84) that deletes [±singular] and bleeds base morpheme insertion.

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                                    Derive pronoun form from agreement status and person.

                                    The impoverishment rule (ex. 84/94) targets [+author] features that bear the F diacritic (indicating agreement has occurred): [+/−singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F

                                    This deletes [±singular] from 1st person agreed-with pronouns, bleeding insertion of qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,−singular]). Only =i remains.

                                    For 2nd/3rd person, the rule does not apply (they are [-author]), so their subj/poss forms equal their independent forms (Table 4.25). For unagreed-with positions (objects), there is no F diacritic, so impoverishment does not apply regardless of person.

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                                      3rd person agent: full independent form (impoverishment does not apply to [-author]).

                                      2nd person agent: full independent form (=i IS the independent 2SG pronoun, not a reduction).

                                      1st person intransitive S: reduced (Set B agreement triggers impoverishment, deleting base).

                                      Mam is HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers appear pre-stem on Infl, immediately following the aspect marker. Morpheme template: ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX (@cite{scott-2023}, §2.5.1).

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                                        HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument (@cite{scott-2023}, §3.3).