Mam Agreement Fragment @cite{scott-2023} #
@cite{deal-2024} @cite{woolford-1997} @cite{blake-1994}
Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán (SJA) Mam, a Mayan language with morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.
The System #
Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:
- Set A (ERG): prefixes on Voice cross-referencing the transitive agent
- Set B (ABS): preverbal markers on Infl cross-referencing the absolutive argument (intransitive S). In transitives, Infl's φ-probe is blocked by transitive VoiceP and default Set B (∅/tz'=) appears instead.
In the default construction, transitive objects are not cross-referenced by either set — they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns. However, some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3, ex. 156).
Case Licensing #
Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:
- ERG: inherent case from Voice
- ACC: structural case from Voice (object licensing; low-abs syntax)
- ABS: structural case from Infl (high-abs morphology; for intransitive S)
This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns.
Argument Positions #
| Position | Case | Agreement | Pronoun |
|---|---|---|---|
| A (transitive agent) | ERG (from Voice) | Set A | reduced/null |
| S (intransitive subj) | ABS (from Infl) | Set B | reduced/null |
| P (transitive patient) | ACC (from Voice) | default Set B | overt |
Set A (ERG) markers: prefixes/proclitics on the verb that cross-reference the transitive agent (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 2.8).
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Set B (ABS) markers: preverbal markers on Infl that cross-reference the absolutive argument (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the default — it appears both for real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and for default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP. 1SG = chin, 2SG = tz'=, 3SG = tz'=, 1PL = qo, 2PL = chi, 3PL = chi.
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The default (Elsewhere) Set B marker. Surfaces in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked, and also for 2/3SG intransitive S.
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- Fragments.Mayan.Mam.defaultSetB = "tz'="
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Look up a marker by person and number (true = singular).
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Argument positions in a Mam clause (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3).
- agent : MamArgPosition
- patient : MamArgPosition
- intranS : MamArgPosition
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- Fragments.Mayan.Mam.instBEqMamArgPosition.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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The case each argument position receives. A gets ERG (inherent, from Voice), P gets ACC (structural, from Voice), S gets ABS (structural, from Infl). Three distinct underlying cases.
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Is this argument position φ-Agreed-with by some probe?
Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces.
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Can a pronoun in this argument position undergo reduction?
Scott's analysis (ch. 4, §4.4.3): first person pronouns in agreed-with positions are reduced via an impoverishment rule that deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (where F marks that the feature has been agreed with). This bleeds insertion of the pronominal base morphemes qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,-singular]), leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i.
Non-first person pronouns are NOT reduced — their subj/poss forms
are identical to their independent forms (Table 4.25, p. 200).
Whether actual reduction occurs depends on person (see
derivePronounForm), but only agreed-with positions are eligible.
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- pos.canBeReduced = pos.isPhiAgreed
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The three argument positions.
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Agent gets ERG (inherent, from Voice).
Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).
Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).
Three distinct underlying cases — morphologically tripartite.
Reduction eligibility correlates with φ-agreement: an argument
position is eligible for pronoun reduction iff it triggers agreement
on the verb. (Actual reduction further requires [+author]; see
derivePronounForm.)
Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.
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The inventory covers all argument positions.
Mam's {ERG, ACC, ABS} inventory is valid per Blake's case hierarchy (all are core cases at rank 6, trivially no gaps).
Person features relevant for pronoun reduction.
Scott decomposes person into binary features following @cite{harbour-2016} (Table 4.3-4.4):
- [±author]: distinguishes 1st from non-1st
- [±participant]: distinguishes local (1st/2nd) from 3rd
Agreement (Set A and Set B) copies only [±author] and ±singular (Tables 4.7-4.8). It does NOT copy [±participant].
The =i enclitic is the disagreement enclitic — it realizes disagreeing values of [±author] and [±participant] (ex. 59, adapting @cite{noyer-1992} / @cite{harbour-2016}):
- 1SG/1PL.EXCL: [+author, -participant] → disagree → =i
- 2SG/2PL: [-author, +participant] → disagree → =i
- 1PL.INCL: [+author, +participant] → agree → no =i
- 3SG/3PL: [-author, -participant] → agree → no =i
- person : PersonFeature
- number : PersonFeature
- participant : PersonFeature
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- Fragments.Mayan.Mam.instBEqPersonFeature.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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The pronominal base morpheme's features.
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The =i enclitic's feature: [participant].
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Features that agreement morphology copies (person and number only).
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A feature is redundantly expressed by agreement iff agreement copies it.
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A morpheme is deleted when ALL its features are redundantly expressed by agreement.
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The pronominal base is deleted: [person, number] are both copied by agreement, making the base fully redundant.
The =i enclitic survives: [participant] is NOT copied by agreement.
Pronoun realization after impoverishment (@cite{scott-2023}, §4.4.3).
reduced: 1st person agreed-with — impoverishment deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F, bleeding insertion of pronominal base morphemes qin/qo. Only =i remains.full: unreduced — the full independent pronoun form. This covers 2nd/3rd person subj/poss (which ARE identical to their independent forms, Table 4.25), as well as all object pronouns (which are not agreed-with and thus not eligible for reduction).
- reduced : PronounForm
- full : PronounForm
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- Fragments.Mayan.Mam.instBEqPronounForm.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Is this person 1st (= [+author])? Only [+author] persons are eligible for the impoverishment rule (84) that deletes [±singular] and bleeds base morpheme insertion.
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Derive pronoun form from agreement status and person.
The impoverishment rule (ex. 84/94) targets [+author] features
that bear the F diacritic (indicating agreement has occurred):
[+/−singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F
This deletes [±singular] from 1st person agreed-with pronouns, bleeding insertion of qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,−singular]). Only =i remains.
For 2nd/3rd person, the rule does not apply (they are [-author]), so their subj/poss forms equal their independent forms (Table 4.25). For unagreed-with positions (objects), there is no F diacritic, so impoverishment does not apply regardless of person.
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1st person agent: reduced (base deleted, only =i remains).
3rd person agent: full independent form (impoverishment does not apply to [-author]).
2nd person agent: full independent form (=i IS the independent 2SG pronoun, not a reduction).
1st person patient: full pronoun (no agreement → no F diacritic).
3rd person patient: full pronoun (no agreement → no F diacritic).
1st person intransitive S: reduced (Set B agreement triggers impoverishment, deleting base).
3rd person intransitive S: full independent form.
Key asymmetry: for agreed-with positions, 1st person is reduced while 2nd/3rd retain full independent forms. This follows from the impoverishment rule targeting [+author] only.
For unagreed-with positions, person is irrelevant: all get full pronouns.
Mam is HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers appear pre-stem on Infl, immediately following the aspect marker. Morpheme template: ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX (@cite{scott-2023}, §2.5.1).
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HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument (@cite{scott-2023}, §3.3).
Set A 1SG marker.
Set A 3SG marker is "t-" (the default).
Set B 1SG marker is "chin".
Set B 3SG marker is the default "tz'=".