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Linglib.Fragments.Mam.Agreement

Mam Agreement Fragment @cite{scott-2023} #

@cite{deal-2021} @cite{woolford-1997} @cite{blake-1994}

Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán (SJA) Mam, a Mayan language with morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.

The System #

Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:

Crucially, transitive objects are NOT cross-referenced by either set. Objects co-occur with default Set B and require full overt pronouns (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3–4).

Case Licensing #

Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:

This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns.

Argument Positions #

PositionCaseAgreementPronoun
A (transitive agent)ERG (from Voice)Set Areduced/null
S (intransitive subj)ABS (from Infl)Set Breduced/null
P (transitive patient)ACC (from Voice)default Set Bovert

Set A (ERG) vocabulary entries: φ-features on Voice (mapped to.v) yield the morphological exponent. Set A markers are prefixes/proclitics that cross-reference the transitive agent (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 2.8).

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    Set B (ABS) vocabulary entries: φ-features on Infl (mapped to.T) yield the morphological exponent (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 3.5).

    Crucially, the 2/3SG form (∅/tz'=) is the Elsewhere entry — it has no feature specification and is selected when no more specific entry matches. This is the form that appears both for (a) real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and (b) default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP.

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      Argument positions in a Mam clause (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3).

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          The case each argument position receives. A gets ERG (inherent, from Voice), P gets ACC (structural, from Voice), S gets ABS (structural, from Infl). Three distinct underlying cases.

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            Is this argument position φ-Agreed-with by some probe?

            Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces.

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              Can a pronoun in this argument position be reduced (or null)?

              Scott's analysis (ch. 4): when a pronoun's φ-features are redundantly expressed by agreement morphology on the verb, the pronominal base morpheme is deleted. For 2nd/3rd person, this yields a fully null pronoun. For 1st person, the disagreement enclitic =i remains (realizing [participant], which agreement does not copy).

              This function captures the coarse generalization: agreed-with positions allow reduced/null pronouns; unagreed-with positions require full overt pronouns. The finer-grained 1st-person =i residue is not modeled here.

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                Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).

                Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).

                Pronoun reduction correlates with φ-agreement: an argument position allows reduced/null pronouns iff it triggers agreement on the verb.

                Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.

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                  The inventory covers all argument positions.

                  Mam's {ERG, ACC, ABS} inventory is valid per Blake's case hierarchy (all are core cases at rank 6, trivially no gaps).