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Linglib.Fragments.Kaqchikel.Agreement

Kaqchikel Agreement Fragment @cite{preminger-2014} #

Agreement morphology for Kaqchikel (K'ichean, Mayan), formalizing @cite{preminger-2014} Agreement and Its Failures, Chapters 3-4 and @cite{chomsky-2001} @cite{scott-2023} @cite{blake-1994} Appendix 9.A.

The System #

Kaqchikel has two agreement paradigms on the verb:

Morpheme order on the verb (276): aspect - ABS - ERG - stem. Set B (ABS) precedes Set A (ERG).

PositionCaseAgreement
A (transitive agent)ERGSet A
P (transitive patient)ABSSet B
S (intransitive subj)ABSSet B

Unlike Mam, where Infl's φ-probe is blocked in transitives and the patient goes unagreed, Kaqchikel cross-references both transitive arguments (@cite{preminger-2014}, Ch. 3 vs. @cite{scott-2023} for Mam).

Agent Focus Agreement (@cite{preminger-2014}, §3.3, table 22) #

In AF constructions (clause-local agent extraction), the normal two-slot agreement collapses to a single marker drawn from the absolutive (Set B) paradigm. The target is chosen by an omnivorous hierarchy:

[+participant] > [+plural] > default (3SG = ∅)

The probe does not distinguish subject from object — AF agreement is commutative: ⟨1SG subj, 3SG obj⟩ = ⟨3SG subj, 1SG obj⟩ → in-. This follows from Preminger's analysis: the probe (π⁰) seeks the closest [+participant]-bearing DP regardless of its thematic role.

Person Restriction (@cite{preminger-2014}, (25)) #

At most one core argument can bear [+participant]. Combinations like ⟨1SG, 2SG⟩ are ungrammatical regardless of subject/object assignment.

Feature Geometry (@cite{preminger-2014}, §4.3, (55)) #

Person features decompose as:

Two probes in the AF clause:

Obligatory Operations #

Preminger's central theoretical claim: φ-agreement is obligatory — the grammar must attempt it — but can fail without crashing. When the probe finds no suitable goal, no agreement obtains and a default (3SG = ∅) surfaces. This contrasts with the standard Minimalist view where unvalued features cause the derivation to crash.

Person-number combinations for Kaqchikel agreement paradigms. Six cells: three persons × two numbers.

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      All six person-number values.

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        Is this person-number [+participant]? Derived from the feature geometry in PersonGeometry.lean (@cite{preminger-2014}, §4.3, (55)): [participant] ⊂ [PERSON] ⊂ [φ].

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          Is this person-number [+author]? Derived from the feature geometry: [author] ⊂ [participant] ⊂ [PERSON].

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            Set A (ERG) markers: prefixes on Voice/v cross-referencing the transitive agent (@cite{preminger-2014}, Ch. 3, table (29)). Parenthesized segments are dropped in certain phonological contexts; the grapheme j represents a voiceless velar fricative.

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              Set A as Vocabulary entries for Spellout, contextualized to Voice/v.

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                Set B (ABS) markers: preverbal markers on Infl/T cross-referencing the absolutive argument. The 3SG form (∅) is also the Elsewhere entry — the default when no more specific entry matches, as in the failure case of obligatory agreement (Ch. 5).

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                  Set B as Vocabulary entries for Spellout, contextualized to Infl/T.

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                    Argument positions in a Kaqchikel clause.

                    • agent : KaqArgPosition

                      A: transitive agent (external argument, Spec,vP → Spec,TP)

                    • patient : KaqArgPosition

                      P: transitive patient (internal argument, complement of V)

                    • intranS : KaqArgPosition

                      S: intransitive subject (sole argument)

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                        Is this position φ-Agreed-with? In Kaqchikel, ALL three argument positions trigger agreement: agent via Set A on Voice/v, patient and intranS via Set B on Infl/T. This contrasts with Mam, where the patient is NOT agreed with (Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP; @cite{scott-2023}).

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                          The omnivorous agreement hierarchy for AF.

                          Derived from probeResolutionRank (PersonGeometry.lean), which computes rank from the two-probe system:

                          • Rank 2: visible to π⁰ ([+participant])
                          • Rank 1: visible to #⁰ only ([+plural, −participant])
                          • Rank 0: invisible to both probes (3SG, default/Elsewhere)

                          The hierarchy is not stipulated — it follows from the feature geometry and the probe targets.

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                            Person restriction (@cite{preminger-2014}, (25)): at most one core argument can be [+participant]. Returns true if the combination is licit.

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                              Compute the AF agreement target: whichever argument has the higher rank in the omnivorous hierarchy. When both have the same rank, the subject is chosen (both yield the same marker, so the choice is observationally inert). Returns none if the person restriction is violated.

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                                The AF agreement marker for a given subject-object combination. Returns the Set B exponent of the omnivorous target, or none if the person restriction is violated.

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                                  An AF agreement datum: subject φ, object φ, and the resulting single agreement marker (or none for person-restriction violations).

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                                      The empirical AF agreement paradigm (@cite{preminger-2014}, table (22)). Each row records the observed agreement marker for a given subject-object combination in clause-local agent extraction.

                                      The first 11 rows reproduce the paper's table exactly. Rows 12–15 demonstrate commutativity (§3.2, fn. a): the table uses set notation {φ₁, φ₂}, so swapping subj/obj yields the same marker. Rows 16–17 test person restriction violations ((25)).

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                                        Number of agreement slots for each verb form. Transitive: two slots (Set A + Set B). AF: one slot (single omnivorous marker from the ABS paradigm).

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                                          The result of an obligatory agreement operation.

                                          Preminger's key insight: the probe must attempt to Agree (agreement is obligatory), but if it finds no suitable goal, the derivation does NOT crash — it continues with the probe's features unvalued, and the Elsewhere vocabulary entry (3SG ∅) surfaces at PF.

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                                              The morphological exponent for an agreement outcome. Success: Set B form of the agreed-with argument. Failure: Elsewhere entry (3SG ∅).

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                                                Ergative-absolutive alignment: the agent is distinguished (ERG) while patient and intranS share a case value (ABS).

                                                All three argument positions trigger φ-agreement.

                                                [+author] entails [+participant] (@cite{preminger-2014}, (55)): [author] ⊂ [participant] in the feature geometry.

                                                The AF hierarchy is grounded in the two-probe system: person-number values that bear [+participant] get rank 2 (visible to π⁰), 3PL gets rank 1 (visible to #⁰ only), and 3SG gets rank 0.

                                                The entire AF paradigm (table 22) is correctly predicted by the omnivorous hierarchy computation. Each empirical datum matches the output of afMarker.

                                                AF agreement is commutative: swapping subject and object yields the same marker for ALL person-number combinations (@cite{preminger-2014}, §3.3, (67)). This follows from the omnivorous hierarchy — the probe sees both arguments symmetrically.

                                                [+participant] outranks [+plural]: when one argument is 1st/2nd person and the other is 3PL, the marker reflects the participant, not the plural.

                                                Default 3SG: when both arguments are 3SG, the Elsewhere entry (∅) surfaces — the least specified vocabulary item.

                                                AF has a single agreement slot (one marker from the ABS paradigm).

                                                Transitive has dual agreement slots (Set A + Set B).

                                                AF loses ergative (Set A) agreement: the single AF marker is drawn from the absolutive paradigm, not the ergative. Cross-references VerbForm.hasSetA from AgentFocus.lean.

                                                Kaqchikel case inventory, derived from argument position case values.

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                                                  The inventory covers all argument positions: every position's case is in the inventory.

                                                  Kaqchikel's {ERG, ABS} inventory is valid per Blake's case hierarchy (both are core cases at rank 6, trivially no gaps).