Kaqchikel Agreement Fragment @cite{preminger-2014} #
Agreement morphology for Kaqchikel (K'ichean, Mayan), formalizing @cite{preminger-2014} Agreement and Its Failures, Chapters 3-4 and @cite{chomsky-2001} @cite{scott-2023} @cite{blake-1994} Appendix 9.A.
The System #
Kaqchikel has two agreement paradigms on the verb:
- Set A (ERG): prefixes on Voice/v cross-referencing the transitive agent
- Set B (ABS): preverbal markers on Infl/T cross-referencing the absolutive argument (transitive patient or intransitive S)
Morpheme order on the verb (276): aspect - ABS - ERG - stem.
Set B (ABS) precedes Set A (ERG).
| Position | Case | Agreement |
|---|---|---|
| A (transitive agent) | ERG | Set A |
| P (transitive patient) | ABS | Set B |
| S (intransitive subj) | ABS | Set B |
Unlike Mam, where Infl's φ-probe is blocked in transitives and the patient goes unagreed, Kaqchikel cross-references both transitive arguments (@cite{preminger-2014}, Ch. 3 vs. @cite{scott-2023} for Mam).
Agent Focus Agreement (@cite{preminger-2014}, §3.3, table 22) #
In AF constructions (clause-local agent extraction), the normal two-slot agreement collapses to a single marker drawn from the absolutive (Set B) paradigm. The target is chosen by an omnivorous hierarchy:
[+participant] > [+plural] > default (3SG = ∅)
The probe does not distinguish subject from object — AF agreement is commutative: ⟨1SG subj, 3SG obj⟩ = ⟨3SG subj, 1SG obj⟩ → in-. This follows from Preminger's analysis: the probe (π⁰) seeks the closest [+participant]-bearing DP regardless of its thematic role.
Person Restriction (@cite{preminger-2014}, (25)) #
At most one core argument can bear [+participant]. Combinations like ⟨1SG, 2SG⟩ are ungrammatical regardless of subject/object assignment.
Feature Geometry (@cite{preminger-2014}, §4.3, (55)) #
Person features decompose as:
- [φ] → [PERSON] → [participant] → [author]
- [φ] → [NUMBER] → [plural]
Two probes in the AF clause:
- π⁰: seeks [participant], triggers clitic doubling of full φ-set
- #⁰: seeks [plural], triggers number agreement
Obligatory Operations #
Preminger's central theoretical claim: φ-agreement is obligatory — the grammar must attempt it — but can fail without crashing. When the probe finds no suitable goal, no agreement obtains and a default (3SG = ∅) surfaces. This contrasts with the standard Minimalist view where unvalued features cause the derivation to crash.
Person-number combinations for Kaqchikel agreement paradigms. Six cells: three persons × two numbers.
- p1sg : PersonNumber
- p2sg : PersonNumber
- p3sg : PersonNumber
- p1pl : PersonNumber
- p2pl : PersonNumber
- p3pl : PersonNumber
Instances For
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instBEqPersonNumber.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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All six person-number values.
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Person value as PersonLevel (the canonical person type).
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1sg.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.first
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1pl.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.first
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2sg.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.second
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2pl.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.second
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3sg.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.third
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3pl.person = Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.third
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Is this person-number [+plural]?
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1pl.isPlural = true
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2pl.isPlural = true
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3pl.isPlural = true
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1sg.isPlural = false
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2sg.isPlural = false
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3sg.isPlural = false
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Is this person-number [+participant]? Derived from the feature
geometry in PersonGeometry.lean (@cite{preminger-2014}, §4.3, (55)):
[participant] ⊂ [PERSON] ⊂ [φ].
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Is this person-number [+author]? Derived from the feature geometry: [author] ⊂ [participant] ⊂ [PERSON].
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Convert to PhiFeature list for the Agree infrastructure.
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1sg.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.first, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number false]
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2sg.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.second, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number false]
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3sg.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.third, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number false]
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1pl.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.first, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number true]
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2pl.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.second, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number true]
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3pl.toPhiFeatures = [Minimalism.PhiFeature.person Core.Prominence.PersonLevel.third, Minimalism.PhiFeature.number true]
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Set A (ERG) markers: prefixes on Voice/v cross-referencing the transitive agent (@cite{preminger-2014}, Ch. 3, table (29)). Parenthesized segments are dropped in certain phonological contexts; the grapheme j represents a voiceless velar fricative.
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1sg = "n/w-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2sg = "a(w)-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3sg = "r(u)/u-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1pl = "q(a)-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2pl = "i(w)-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setAExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3pl = "k(i)-"
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Set A as Vocabulary entries for Spellout, contextualized to Voice/v.
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Set B (ABS) markers: preverbal markers on Infl/T cross-referencing the absolutive argument. The 3SG form (∅) is also the Elsewhere entry — the default when no more specific entry matches, as in the failure case of obligatory agreement (Ch. 5).
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1sg = "in-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2sg = "at-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3sg = "∅"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p1pl = "oj-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p2pl = "ix-"
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.setBExponent Fragments.Kaqchikel.PersonNumber.p3pl = "e-"
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Set B as Vocabulary entries for Spellout, contextualized to Infl/T.
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Argument positions in a Kaqchikel clause.
- agent : KaqArgPosition
A: transitive agent (external argument, Spec,vP → Spec,TP)
- patient : KaqArgPosition
P: transitive patient (internal argument, complement of V)
- intranS : KaqArgPosition
S: intransitive subject (sole argument)
Instances For
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instBEqKaqArgPosition.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Case assignment: ergative-absolutive alignment. Agent gets ERG (from Voice/v); patient and intranS both get ABS (from Infl/T).
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Is this position φ-Agreed-with? In Kaqchikel, ALL three argument positions trigger agreement: agent via Set A on Voice/v, patient and intranS via Set B on Infl/T. This contrasts with Mam, where the patient is NOT agreed with (Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP; @cite{scott-2023}).
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Which head agrees with this position?
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The three argument positions.
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The omnivorous agreement hierarchy for AF.
Derived from probeResolutionRank (PersonGeometry.lean), which
computes rank from the two-probe system:
- Rank 2: visible to π⁰ ([+participant])
- Rank 1: visible to #⁰ only ([+plural, −participant])
- Rank 0: invisible to both probes (3SG, default/Elsewhere)
The hierarchy is not stipulated — it follows from the feature geometry and the probe targets.
Equations
- pn.afRank = Minimalism.probeResolutionRank pn.person pn.isPlural
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Person restriction (@cite{preminger-2014}, (25)): at most one core
argument can be [+participant]. Returns true if the combination
is licit.
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.personRestrictionOk subj obj = !(subj.isParticipant && obj.isParticipant)
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Compute the AF agreement target: whichever argument has the higher
rank in the omnivorous hierarchy. When both have the same rank, the
subject is chosen (both yield the same marker, so the choice is
observationally inert). Returns none if the person restriction
is violated.
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The AF agreement marker for a given subject-object combination.
Returns the Set B exponent of the omnivorous target, or none
if the person restriction is violated.
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An AF agreement datum: subject φ, object φ, and the resulting
single agreement marker (or none for person-restriction
violations).
- subject : PersonNumber
- object : PersonNumber
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The empirical AF agreement paradigm (@cite{preminger-2014}, table (22)). Each row records the observed agreement marker for a given subject-object combination in clause-local agent extraction.
The first 11 rows reproduce the paper's table exactly. Rows 12–15 demonstrate commutativity (§3.2, fn. a): the table uses set notation {φ₁, φ₂}, so swapping subj/obj yields the same marker. Rows 16–17 test person restriction violations ((25)).
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Number of agreement slots for each verb form. Transitive: two slots (Set A + Set B). AF: one slot (single omnivorous marker from the ABS paradigm).
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The result of an obligatory agreement operation.
Preminger's key insight: the probe must attempt to Agree (agreement is obligatory), but if it finds no suitable goal, the derivation does NOT crash — it continues with the probe's features unvalued, and the Elsewhere vocabulary entry (3SG ∅) surfaces at PF.
- success : PersonNumber → AgreeOutcome
Probe successfully valued by a goal's φ-features.
- failure : AgreeOutcome
Probe attempted but found no suitable goal; default surfaces.
Instances For
Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instDecidableEqAgreeOutcome.decEq (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success a) (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success b) = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instDecidableEqAgreeOutcome.decEq (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success a) Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure = isFalse ⋯
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instDecidableEqAgreeOutcome.decEq Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success a) = isFalse ⋯
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instDecidableEqAgreeOutcome.decEq Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure = isTrue ⋯
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Equations
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instBEqAgreeOutcome.beq (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success a) (Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.success b) = (a == b)
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instBEqAgreeOutcome.beq Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure Fragments.Kaqchikel.AgreeOutcome.failure = true
- Fragments.Kaqchikel.instBEqAgreeOutcome.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The morphological exponent for an agreement outcome. Success: Set B form of the agreed-with argument. Failure: Elsewhere entry (3SG ∅).
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Failed agreement surfaces as 3SG — the Elsewhere entry.
Agent gets ERG (from Voice).
Patient gets ABS (from Infl).
Intransitive S gets ABS (from Infl).
Ergative-absolutive alignment: the agent is distinguished (ERG) while patient and intranS share a case value (ABS).
All three argument positions trigger φ-agreement.
[+author] entails [+participant] (@cite{preminger-2014}, (55)): [author] ⊂ [participant] in the feature geometry.
3rd person is [-participant].
The AF hierarchy is grounded in the two-probe system: person-number values that bear [+participant] get rank 2 (visible to π⁰), 3PL gets rank 1 (visible to #⁰ only), and 3SG gets rank 0.
isParticipant is derived from decomposePerson, not stipulated. Verify it gives the expected values.
The entire AF paradigm (table 22) is correctly predicted by the
omnivorous hierarchy computation. Each empirical datum matches
the output of afMarker.
AF agreement is commutative: swapping subject and object yields the same marker for ALL person-number combinations (@cite{preminger-2014}, §3.3, (67)). This follows from the omnivorous hierarchy — the probe sees both arguments symmetrically.
[+participant] outranks [+plural]: when one argument is 1st/2nd person and the other is 3PL, the marker reflects the participant, not the plural.
Person restriction blocks two [+participant] arguments.
Person restriction is symmetric.
Default 3SG: when both arguments are 3SG, the Elsewhere entry (∅) surfaces — the least specified vocabulary item.
AF has a single agreement slot (one marker from the ABS paradigm).
Transitive has dual agreement slots (Set A + Set B).
AF loses ergative (Set A) agreement: the single AF marker is drawn
from the absolutive paradigm, not the ergative. Cross-references
VerbForm.hasSetA from AgentFocus.lean.
Transitive retains ergative (Set A) agreement.
Kaqchikel case inventory, derived from argument position case values.
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The inventory covers all argument positions: every position's case is in the inventory.
Kaqchikel's {ERG, ABS} inventory is valid per Blake's case hierarchy (both are core cases at rank 6, trivially no gaps).