Documentation

Linglib.Core.Scales.HornScale

structure Core.Scale.HornScale (α : Type) :

Horn scale: list of expressions ordered by semantic strength.

  • members : List α

    Members ordered from weakest to strongest.

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    def Core.Scale.instReprHornScale.repr {α✝ : Type} [Repr α✝] :
    HornScale α✝Std.Format
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      def Core.Scale.scalePosition {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
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        def Core.Scale.isWeaker {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x y : α) :
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          def Core.Scale.isStronger {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x y : α) :
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            def Core.Scale.strongerAlternatives {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
            List α
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              def Core.Scale.weakerAlternatives {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
              List α
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                      Quantifier world: domain of size maxN with count of entities satisfying property.

                      • count : Fin (maxN + 1)

                        How many entities satisfy the predicate (0 to maxN).

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                        def Core.Scale.Quantifiers.instDecidableEqQuantWorld.decEq {maxN✝ : } (x✝ x✝¹ : QuantWorld maxN✝) :
                        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                      Numerals and Horn Scales #

                                      @cite{horn-1972} @cite{kennedy-2015}

                                      Numerals are NOT represented as a HornScale here because:

                                      1. Under lower-bound semantics, numerals do form a scale (⟨1, 2, 3,...⟩), but it is infinite — a finite HornScale list can't represent it correctly ("five" would have no stronger alternatives).

                                      2. Under bilateral semantics, numerals are non-monotonic and do NOT form a Horn scale at all. The relevant alternatives are {bare n, Class A n, Class B n}, not other numerals.

                                      Both cases are handled properly in Theories/Semantics.Montague/Determiner/Numeral/Semantics.lean:

                                      Singular/Plural as a Horn Scale #

                                      @cite{sauerland-2003} @cite{spector-2007} @cite{tieu-etal-2020}

                                      The singular and plural morphemes form a Horn scale ⟨singular, plural⟩ where singular ("a giraffe") is the stronger alternative to plural ("giraffes").

                                      Under the implicature approach to multiplicity inferences, the plural literally means "one or more" and the "more than one" inference arises as a scalar implicature: the listener reasons that the speaker chose the weaker "giraffes" over the stronger "a giraffe," implying that the singular alternative is false — hence more than one.

                                      This scale is structurally unusual: the alternatives differ in morphology (number marking), not in lexical choice (unlike some/all, or/and).

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                                          Singular is stronger: "a giraffe" entails "giraffes" (one or more).

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                                                Sentence polarity determines monotonicity context: positive sentences are upward-entailing, negative are downward-entailing. This is the Ladusaw (1979) / Fauconnier (1975) connection.

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