Documentation

Linglib.Core.RootDimensions

Quality Dimensions for Verb Root Content #

@cite{dowty-1991} @cite{fillmore-atkins-2000} @cite{hale-keyser-1987} @cite{levin-1993} @cite{talmy-1988} @cite{talmy-2000}

Empirically attested feature dimensions for characterizing the idiosyncratic ("root") content of verb meanings. Verbs within a single class (e.g., Levin's 45.1 Break Verbs) share event structure but may differ along these dimensions in ways that affect selectional restrictions, figurative extensions, and cross-linguistic translation equivalence (Spalek & McNally, forthcoming).

Three-level architecture #

Level 1 — Levin meaning components (§ 1). Binary features that define verb classes, diagnosed by diathesis alternation behavior. From @cite{levin-1993}: the four verbs break, cut, hit, and touch are distinguished by the presence or absence of change of state, contact, motion, and causation.

Level 2 — Root structural entailments (§ 3b). Binary features capturing what the verb root itself entails about event structure: state, manner, result, and cause. From @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}. These sit between template-level event structure and surface meaning components, explaining why surface verbs have the components they do.

Level 3 — Root-specific features (§ 3). Range-valued dimensions capturing within-class variation in root content. A root's "position" along each dimension is not a point but a range of acceptable values (§ 2), reflecting the fact that verbs are compatible with a range of event types.

Levin class taxonomy #

The full verb class taxonomy from @cite{levin-1993} Part II is encoded in § 4. This provides a standardized reference for verb classification; individual verb entries in Fragments/ are tagged with their Levin class.

Extensibility #

Adding a new dimension: define a value type, add a Range field to RootProfile (defaulting to none). All existing entries compile unchanged. Adding a value to an existing dimension: breaking change — forces reviewing all entries that constrain that dimension. This is by design.

Binary meaning components that define @cite{levin-1993} verb classes.

These describe surface verb behavior, not root-level entailments. @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} argue that surface CoS and causation can come from either the template or the root; see RootEntailments (§ 3b) for the root-level decomposition.

Diagnosed by participation in diathesis alternations (pp. 5–10):

  • changeOfState: middle alternation, causative/inchoative alternation
  • contact: body-part possessor ascension alternation
  • motion: conative alternation (with contact)
  • causation: causative/inchoative alternation (with changeOfState)

The four canonical classes from Levin's Introduction:

  • break = [+CoS, −contact, −motion, +causation]
  • cut = [+CoS, +contact, +motion, +causation]
  • hit = [−CoS, +contact, +motion, −causation]
  • touch = [−CoS, +contact, −motion, −causation]

Additional binary features (from class descriptions in Part II):

  • instrumentSpec: verb specifies instrument/means (cut vs. break; p. 157)
  • mannerSpec: verb specifies manner of action (cooking subclasses; p. 244)
  • changeOfState : Bool

    Does the verb denote causing a change of state? Diagnostic: participation in the middle alternation (p. 5).

  • contact : Bool

    Does the verb's meaning inherently involve contact? Diagnostic: body-part possessor ascension (p. 7).

  • motion : Bool

    Does the verb's meaning inherently involve motion? Diagnostic: conative alternation requires both motion and contact (p. 8).

  • causation : Bool

    Does the verb's meaning include a notion of causation? Diagnostic: participation in causative/inchoative alternation (p. 9).

  • instrumentSpec : Bool

    Does the verb specify the instrument or means? Cut includes instrument specification; break does not (p. 157).

  • mannerSpec : Bool

    Does the verb specify the manner of action? Cooking verbs "describe different ways of cooking food" (p. 244).

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          break verbs (45.1): pure change of state, no manner/instrument.

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            cut verbs (21.1): change of state via contact through motion.

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              hit verbs (18.1): contact by impact, no change of state.

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                touch verbs (20): pure contact, no motion or change of state.

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                  destroy verbs (44): total destruction, no specific physical result.

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                    bend verbs (45.2): shape change without disruption of integrity.

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                      @[reducible, inline]
                      abbrev Range (α : Type) :

                      Acceptable values along a quality dimension.

                      • none: the root is unconstrained on this dimension (says nothing)
                      • some [v₁, v₂, …]: the root is compatible with exactly these values

                      Roots are regions, not points: a verb like tear is compatible with a range of force levels, not a single one.

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                          def Range.only {α : Type} (vs : List α) :
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                            def Range.isCompatible {α : Type} [BEq α] :
                            Range ααBool
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                              def Range.overlaps {α : Type} [BEq α] :
                              Range αRange αBool

                              Two ranges overlap if they share at least one value.

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                                inductive ForceLevel :

                                Magnitude of force involved in the event.

                                @cite{talmy-1988} identifies force magnitude as a core parameter of force-dynamic schemas. Spalek & McNally: tear implies considerable force; rasgar implies less (enough to damage something flimsy).

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                                    inductive ForceDirection :

                                    Spatial pattern of force application.

                                    @cite{talmy-2000}: force vectors have directional parameters. Spalek & McNally: tear implies contrary-direction force (pulling apart); rasgar implies unidirectional force (gash-like).

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                                        inductive Robustness :

                                        Material substantiality of the affected entity (patient).

                                        Spalek & McNally (forthcoming): the primary dimension distinguishing tear (unrestricted) from rasgar (flimsy patients only).

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                                              inductive ResultType :

                                              Nature of the physical change produced by the event.

                                              Grounded in @cite{levin-1993}'s class descriptions and @cite{hale-keyser-1987} notion of "separation in material integrity":

                                              • 45.1 Break: loss of material integrity (break, crack, shatter, tear)
                                              • 45.2 Bend: change in shape without loss of integrity
                                              • 44 Destroy: total destruction (no specific resulting state)
                                              • 21 Cut: separation via instrument contact Refined by @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} on CoS root types.
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                                                    inductive Volitionality :

                                                    Whether the agent acts with volitional intent.

                                                    @cite{dowty-1991}: Proto-Agent entailment P1 = "volitional involvement in the event or state." @cite{ausensi-yu-smith-2021}: killing verb roots impose specific intentionality requirements on the agent (murder requires intentional agent; kill does not). @cite{levin-1993}: some break verbs "allow unintentional, action interpretations with body-part objects."

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                                                      inductive AgentControl :

                                                      Whether the action can be performed with care and control.

                                                      @cite{dowty-1991}: Proto-Agent entailment P2 = "sentience (and/or perception)," enabling controlled action. Spalek & McNally: tear is compatible with careful action ("carefully tore the tin foil"); rasgar is not ("??rasgaron con cuidado el papel").

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                                                        structure RootProfile :

                                                        Within-class root content profile.

                                                        Captures quality dimensions of root content — force, robustness, agent properties — as opposed to RootEntailments (§ 3b), which captures structural entailments (state, manner, result, cause).

                                                        Each dimension is a Range of acceptable values; none means the root says nothing about that dimension (unconstrained).

                                                        Together with MeaningComponents (which defines the class), LevinClass (which identifies the class), and RootEntailments (which captures structural entailments), this gives a four-level characterization of a verb's semantic content:

                                                        1. Class-defining meaning components (binary, from alternations)
                                                        2. Class membership (Levin taxonomy)
                                                        3. Root structural entailments (B&@cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020})
                                                        4. Root-specific quality features (ranges, from detailed lexical analysis)
                                                        • forceMag : Range ForceLevel

                                                          Force magnitude: @cite{talmy-1988}.

                                                        • Force directionality: @cite{talmy-2000}, Spalek & McNally.

                                                        • patientRob : Range Robustness

                                                          Patient material robustness: Spalek & McNally.

                                                        • resultType : Range ResultType

                                                          Type of physical change: @cite{levin-1993}, @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}.

                                                        • agentVolition : Range Volitionality

                                                          Agent volitionality: @cite{dowty-1991} P1, @cite{ausensi-yu-smith-2021}.

                                                        • agentControl : Range AgentControl

                                                          Agent control: @cite{dowty-1991} P2, Spalek & McNally.

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                                                                Root-level structural entailments from @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}.

                                                                B&KG argue against Bifurcation (roots only contribute idiosyncratic content) and Manner/Result Complementarity (no root encodes both). Roots CAN entail states, change, and causation — notions traditionally reserved for templates (CAUSE, BECOME).

                                                                The four features define a root typology (Table 12, p. 228):

                                                                • state: root describes a state (√FLAT, √CRACK, √DRY)
                                                                • manner: root describes an action/manner (√JOG, √RUN, √HIT)
                                                                • result: root entails change — passes restitutive again test
                                                                • cause: root entails causation

                                                                Constraints: resultstate and causeresult (see wellFormed).

                                                                @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}

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                                                                        If a root entails change (result), it entails a state that changes. B&@cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}: result entailments presuppose state entailments.

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                                                                          If a root entails causation, it entails what is caused (a result). B&@cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}: cause entailments presuppose result entailments.

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                                                                            Well-formedness: both collocational constraints hold.

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                                                                              Canonical root types (B&KG Table 12) #

                                                                              +S −M −R −C: property concept roots (√FLAT, √DRY). Deadjectival COS verbs — the root names the result state. Table 12, row 1, complement position.

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                                                                                +S −M +R −C: internally caused result roots (√BLOSSOM, √RUST). Root entails both a state and a change to that state, but not external causation. Table 12, row 2, complement position.

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                                                                                  +S −M +R +C: externally caused result roots (√CRACK, √BREAK). Root entails a state, change, AND causation — the root inherently implies an external cause. Table 12, row 3, complement position. B&KG (p. 228): these "lexicalize crosslinguistically as basic causatives" unlike √BLOSSOM-type roots.

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                                                                                    −S +M −R −C: pure manner roots (√JOG, √RUN, √SWIM). Root specifies action manner without entailing any state. Table 12, row 4, adjoined position.

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                                                                                      +S +M +R −C: manner + result without cause. Well-formed per the constraints but UNATTESTED in B&KG's Table 12 (row 6 is empty in both positions). B&KG (p. 229): such roots "would essentially derive syntactically unergative verbs with pure change-of-state meanings." Defined for completeness.

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                                                                                        +S +M +R +C: fully specified roots (√HAND, √DROWN, √CUT). B&KG Ch. 3–4: manner + caused change. These are the attested MRC violators. Table 12, row 7. √HAND sits in adjoined position, √DROWN in complement position; this structural difference is not captured here.

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                                                                                          −S −M −R −C: minimal roots — no structural entailments. Conservative default for classes not yet studied under B&KG's framework. Not a row in Table 12 (which only lists roots with at least one positive feature).

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                                                                                            Canonical type well-formedness #

                                                                                            MRC violation detection #

                                                                                            Does this root violate Manner/Result Complementarity? B&KG Ch. 4: some roots encode both manner and result.

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                                                                                              inductive LevinClass :

                                                                                              Verb class taxonomy from @cite{levin-1993} Part II.

                                                                                              Section numbers follow the book. Class names are Levin's labels. This provides a standardized, widely-cited reference for verb classification; 49 top-level classes covering the English verb lexicon.

                                                                                              Not all subclasses are listed here — the taxonomy is intentionally at the top-level class grain, with subclass distinctions handled by MeaningComponents and RootProfile.

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                                                                                                    Section number in @cite{levin-1993} for each class.

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                                                                                                      Meaning components associated with each Levin class.

                                                                                                      Profiles are assigned using the diagnostic criteria from @cite{levin-1993}:

                                                                                                      • changeOfState: middle alternation (the glass broke / this bread cuts easily)
                                                                                                      • contact: body-part possessor ascension (I hit him on the arm / I hit his arm)
                                                                                                      • motion: conative alternation requires motion + contact (I cut at the bread)
                                                                                                      • causation: causative/inchoative alternation (she broke the vase / the vase broke)
                                                                                                      • instrumentSpec: verb specifies instrument/means (cut vs. break; p. 157)
                                                                                                      • mannerSpec: verb specifies manner of action (cooking, manner of motion; p. 244)

                                                                                                      For classes not discussed in the canonical quadruple analysis, profiles are inferred from Part II class descriptions and alternation participation patterns.

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                                                                                                        Diathesis alternations from @cite{levin-1993} Part One that serve as diagnostics for verb class membership. The first four are the canonical diagnostics from the Introduction (pp. 5–10); others are class-specific.

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                                                                                                            Predicted alternation participation derived from meaning components.

                                                                                                            The core claim of @cite{levin-1993}: meaning components — diagnosed by alternation participation — form the bridge between verb semantics and verb syntax. Each diagnostic alternation corresponds to a specific configuration of meaning components:

                                                                                                            AlternationRequired components
                                                                                                            Causative/inchoativechangeOfState ∧ causation ∧ ¬instrumentSpec
                                                                                                            MiddlechangeOfState
                                                                                                            Conativecontact ∧ motion
                                                                                                            Body-part possessor ascensioncontact
                                                                                                            ResultativechangeOfState ∧ ¬instrumentSpec (manner verbs)

                                                                                                            Dative and locative alternations are class-specific rather than component-derived, so they must be checked per class.

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                                                                                                              Canonical diagnostic theorems #

                                                                                                              The four verbs break, cut, hit, touch are distinguished by exactly their pattern of alternation participation (@cite{levin-1993}:5–10).

                                                                                                              Cut participates in middle, conative, and BPPA but NOT causative/inchoative. Instrument specification blocks the inchoative: "*The string cut." (Levin p. 9, ex. 23b). Because cut inherently specifies an instrument, it requires an agent (p. 10).

                                                                                                              Instrument specification blocks the causative/inchoative alternation for any verb, regardless of other meaning components. Because the instrument must be wielded by an agent, the agentless inchoative variant is unavailable.

                                                                                                              Corollary: instrument specification also blocks the resultative (same reasoning — manner verbs that specify an instrument cannot appear in the resultative construction).

                                                                                                              Cross-class predictions #

                                                                                                              Spray/load participates in the locative alternation.

                                                                                                              Give class participates in the dative alternation.

                                                                                                              Touch verbs lack motion → no conative despite having contact.

                                                                                                              Predicted unaccusativity from Levin class membership.

                                                                                                              Based on Levin & Rappaport @cite{levin-hovav-1995}: unaccusativity correlates with internally caused change of state or directed change, while unergativity correlates with agentive activity.

                                                                                                              For classes that participate in the causative/inchoative alternation (CoS + causation), this predicts unaccusativity for the intransitive (inchoative) alternant. For inherently intransitive classes (emission, existence, appearance), this predicts unaccusativity outright.

                                                                                                              Key omission: manner-of-speaking verbs (§37.3) are predicted unergative here (agentive manner), but @cite{storment-2026} shows they are empirically unaccusative. This is a documented divergence.

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                                                                                                                Unaccusativity prediction theorems #

                                                                                                                Manner-of-motion (§51.3) predicts unergative.

                                                                                                                Inherently directed motion (§51.1) predicts unaccusative.

                                                                                                                MoS (§37.3) does NOT predict unaccusative — this is the Storment divergence.

                                                                                                                The causative/inchoative alternation implies the existence of an unaccusative variant: if a class participates in causative/inchoative, it predicts unaccusativity for the inchoative alternant.

                                                                                                                Does a root profile constrain patient properties?

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                                                                                                                  Do two root profiles overlap (share at least one compatible event)?

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                                                                                                                    Root structural entailments for each Levin class.

                                                                                                                    Assignments marked (B&KG) are directly from @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} Table 12 and Chapters 2–5. Others are inferred from class semantics following B&KG's framework:

                                                                                                                    Classes marked (default) use minimal as a conservative placeholder pending detailed study under B&KG's framework.

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                                                                                                                      Well-formedness verification #

                                                                                                                      All canonical types satisfy the constraints, so every branch of rootEntailments is well-formed (each branch returns a canonical type).

                                                                                                                      Break roots (√CRACK) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Cut roots (MRC violator, fullSpec) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Hit roots (pureManner) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Touch roots (minimal) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Give roots (√HAND, fullSpec) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Destroy roots (causativeResult) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Murder roots (causativeResult) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      Poison roots (√DROWN-type fullSpec) are well-formed.

                                                                                                                      MRC violation verification #

                                                                                                                      Cut is an MRC violator (B&KG Ch. 4): manner of cutting + caused separation.

                                                                                                                      Cooking is an MRC violator: cooking manner + caused CoS.

                                                                                                                      Poison (√DROWN-type) is an MRC violator: poisoning manner + caused death.

                                                                                                                      Break respects MRC — pure result (√CRACK), no manner.

                                                                                                                      Hit respects MRC — pure manner (√JOG-type), no result.

                                                                                                                      Cross-layer consistency #

                                                                                                                      Template + root entailments predict the event-structural subset of surface meaning components (changeOfState, causation, mannerSpec). Uses mc.changeOfState && mc.causation as a proxy for Template.hasCause (the accomplishment template is selected when both hold; the actual Template type lives in Theories/Semantics/Events/EventStructure.lean and cannot be imported here without creating a circular dependency).

                                                                                                                      B&KG's "manner" is broader than Levin's mannerSpec: B&KG code hit/cut as +manner (impact/cutting action), but Levin codes this as contact+motion (±instrument), not mannerSpec. The prediction holds for classes where root manner aligns with Levin's mannerSpec (cooking, motion) but diverges for contact-manner classes (hit, cut).

                                                                                                                      def predictEventStructural (templateHasCause : Bool) (r : RootEntailments) :

                                                                                                                      Predict event-structural meaning components from template causation and root entailments.

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                                                                                                                        Event-structural subset of surface meaning components.

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                                                                                                                          Predicted event structure for a Levin class. Uses mc.changeOfState && mc.causation as a proxy for Template.hasCause.

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